tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-368416652024-03-19T03:13:29.181+00:00Fat Man on a KeyboardAt first they came for the smokers but I did not speak out as I did not smoke. Then they came for the binge drinkers but I said nothing as I did not binge. Now they have an obesity strategy.The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.comBlogger1826125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-91864789556937641792022-01-23T00:43:00.000+00:002022-01-23T00:43:10.720+00:00Jackanory<p>I've been listening to a BBC radio series by Gabriel Gatehouse, <i><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m001324r">The Coming Storm</a></i>, about the origins of the QAnon conspiracy theory. It's riveting, superbly researched, and takes the movement seriously, both in its historical context and current significance. I urge you to listen to all the episodes, you won't regret it. </p><p>The theme is how a particular narrative takes hold and spreads, even one that is completely divorced from reality. QAnon is the belief that America is being taken over by a satanic cabal of child-murdering paedophiles led by Hilary Clinton and that Donald Trump is leading the resistance to them. Adherents also believe that the 2020 election was stolen, and that Trump really won by a landslide. It's bonkers, of course, but its followers believe in it and mobilised to storm the Capitol in January last year. They are the bedrock for Trump's campaign for the 2024 Republican candidacy. The movement hasn't gone away.</p><p>Beliefs like this are a constant. People are attracted to them. Although they only break out from the fringe and become prominent in times of change and uncertainty. For example, the esoteric movements of the 19th century arose in the wake of the decline of orthodox religious authority in the late Industrial Revolution and gave us movements like Theosophy and Spiritualism. The explicitly political ones are usually conspiracy theories that deny the arbitrary and replace it with the deliberate, reject the ostensible in favour of the covert, and give simple answers to complex questions.</p><p>It's all to do with narratives. We interpret the world through stories. Once one is established in human minds it's difficult to shake, however absurd it is. We have a range of cognitive biases to keep it in place, while cognitive dissonance holds reality at bay. Believers aren't stupid, they are prisoners of the power of narrative. It's one of the paradoxes of humanity that the very thing that gives us literature can also bring genocide if the story is powerful enough. That said, reality exists. Truth exists. And it always wins over fantasy in the long run, but fantasy can do a lot of damage before it does.</p><p>Two more prosaic narratives concern me at the moment. They are less deranged because their targets are real, but what they say about them is empirically false. Let's take Brexit first. Commentators are often surprised by just how little Brexiters knew about how the EU worked and what it actually is. They offered leaving as a simple, universal panacea for indeterminate discontents and denied that there would be any adverse consequences – something that would change everything and nothing simultaneously. They portrayed the EU as a colonial master, rather than a voluntary association, and spun narratives of independence and 'global Britain' – the paradox of a country that is both great and a victim at the same time. This narrative has led its ideological proponents into some odd stances. We see advocates of free trade putting up trade barriers; libertarians celebrating the removal of rights; critics of the bureaucratic state increasing bureaucracy; while people who called for us to 'take back control' voluntarily give up the power to control the regulations that will continue to shape our economy. Those of us who must live with the reality are in despair.</p><p>The other is the left's dominant narrative on Israel/Palestine. It's now so embedded that it's unchallengeable. Again, the narrative is Manichean, with one victim and one perpetrator. And most of it is false. The conflict is real enough, as is the occupation, but the left's analysis leaves no room for complex realities. So, they valorise the Palestinian far right, while rejecting the Israeli left, and speak of peace, while ignoring genuine activist peace movements, such as <a href="https://www.onevoicemovement.org">One Voice</a>, <a href="https://www.zimam.ps/home">Zimam</a>, and <a href="https://www.standing-together.org/english">Standing Together</a>. Given that the conflict is seen through the eyes of cultural tropes about Jews, this leads to some unsavoury alliances. It's not surprising that anti-Zionism can manifest itself as antisemitism at times. After all, antisemitism no longer jackboots openly down the street, it sneaks in the back door hiding behind a Palestinian flag, waiting for the chance to emerge. People can easily be drawn in, often unconsciously. The very best short critique of this narrative that I've read lately is <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/10/israeli-palestinian-conflict-ferguson/620471/">this article</a> from last October by Susie Linfield in <i><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/10/israeli-palestinian-conflict-ferguson/620471/">The Atlantic</a></i>. I really recommend reading it, it's excellent. Her conclusion:</p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><p><i>The intent is not to make a political argument—to explain, to convince—but to elicit Pavlovian reactions of disgust, thereby bypassing actual thought.</i></p><p></p></blockquote><p>These examples have their roots in something real, but we do have our fantasists too. The anti-vax movement, convinced that vaccination is a cover for reducing the population through a controlled genocide, is with us now. (By the way, I've never understood why they think any government would want to reduce the population.) Armed with misunderstood faux law and the Nuremberg Code, misquoting Magna Carta, and led by Piers Corbyn, they should be figures of fun. But the message of <i>The Coming Storm</i> is, don't ignore the crazy ones. They may matter more than you think. These movements can metastasize into something more sinister. I wouldn't be surprised if the rhetoric of the anti-vaxxers, parading nooses and talking of hanging medical staff for crimes against humanity, ends in murder.</p><p>They have to be confronted. It's no good looking for rational causes of the irrational. People retreat from reason because its more attractive to them. And that makes them impervious to armies of fact checkers, logic, and reasonable argument, though they remain our best tools for dissuading potential recruits. Our task is different, to tell better stories. It's time for politics to embrace literature.</p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-3878267968216014142021-12-24T22:18:00.002+00:002021-12-24T22:21:33.931+00:00Xmas greetings<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgs21HQ9JWDRGSFVUy2cEqoaXyFUMU-6981eMn4ui_J5kzeVmvsCX6VczidhmS6XZUBRkJnvP1G5tQ59k9Owm9N1CKKBw0GHnCuFeQT1cih12Xrul12WQ8UUuZLFPRPtawF_UgrNhYCHMwjjmUGbWLJf65yOg7jJmj781FlRHLNC2aDCu0ByX8=s526" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="526" data-original-width="329" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgs21HQ9JWDRGSFVUy2cEqoaXyFUMU-6981eMn4ui_J5kzeVmvsCX6VczidhmS6XZUBRkJnvP1G5tQ59k9Owm9N1CKKBw0GHnCuFeQT1cih12Xrul12WQ8UUuZLFPRPtawF_UgrNhYCHMwjjmUGbWLJf65yOg7jJmj781FlRHLNC2aDCu0ByX8=s16000" /></a></div><p></p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-48243944422341967232021-12-17T14:19:00.002+00:002021-12-17T14:25:32.695+00:00In defence of defence<p>He's known round here, and one local in Greece described Boris Johnson to me as behaving like a gangster. It made me laugh but I don't think that he's a master criminal. He's not competent enough. His actions are predictable; bravado and bullying quickly followed by cowardice excused by lies. </p><p>But it's not enough to talk about personalities. Johnson is there because he saw an ideological movement as being useful for his ambition. And we need to talk about that ideology and the strategy that flows from it. On the right, this amounts to a rejection of the post-war social democratic settlement. It comes from two sources.</p><p>The first is the libertarian strand's hostility to collectivism. The second is authoritarian and populist nationalism. The first sees institutions as obstacles to the operation of free markets, the second as barriers to the exercise of power. Their targets are the same, but they have a dissimilar rationale and want very different ends.</p><p>It isn't new. Thatcher began the process, undermining the autonomy of local government and privatising nationalised industries. But she had limits. Notably, in her selectively quoted <a href="https://www.margaretthatcher.org/document/107332">Bruges speech</a>:</p><p></p><blockquote><i>Britain does not dream of some cosy, isolated existence on the fringes of the European Community. Our destiny is in Europe, as part of the Community.</i></blockquote><p></p><p>Thatcher was one of the architects of the European single market. It's an extraordinary story as to how her particular view of the future of the EU morphed into a nationalist rejection of British membership in the hands of those who proclaim themselves to be her followers. Euroscepticism was replaced by Europhobia on the Tory right, though, arguably, it was a step on the same path. Brexit removed an important institutional restraint, freeing them to attack other targets, like the BBC and the NHS. Latterly, the targets have become wider still – the judiciary, human rights, and even elements of<a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/comment/2021/12/ignore-his-lies-for-now-boris-johnson-is-leading-an-assault-on-british-democracy"> representative democracy</a>. After all, leaving could only have been achieved at all through bypassing parliamentary democracy with a referendum. </p><p>We mustn't forget that there were also fellow travellers on the left. Corbyn always voted with the far right of the Tory party on EU matters, just as he and members of the Campaign group voted with Conservative rebels against some Covid restrictions. The far left's narrative was that liberal democracy was a sham, the EU a capitalist club, and individual rights a way of securing bourgeois power. Social democracy was a sell-out and a bulwark against socialism.</p><p>The problem for the radicals of both right and left is that the demolition of social democratic institutions would not lead to either socialism or a free market utopia. The beneficiaries would be authoritarians, populists, and demagogues. Freed from the constraints of democratic polities, nationalism and authoritarianism only gives us rent-seeking and kleptocracy. </p><p>The biggest obstacle the radicals faced is that these institutions work. The post-war settlement has given us sustained prosperity, greater individual liberty and growing equality. That's why the Brexiters had to rely on fabrications, misrepresentation, and outright lying. Given this assault, the defence of these gains is the primary purpose of democratic politics. </p><p>This all sounds rather conservative, an almost Burkeian defence of the status quo. And in one sense it is, and certainly it was the heart of post-war mainstream conservatism until the radicals created a dysfunctional Conservative Party in their own image. But the difference for the left, my left, is that liberal democratic institutions are not obstacles to progress, nor are they an end in themselves, but the foundations on which a better society can be built. To abandon them is to risk descending into the authoritarian abyss.</p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-20559850554721248322021-10-05T13:40:00.003+01:002021-10-05T13:42:35.599+01:00Boris the baddie<p><i></i></p><blockquote><i>It’s easy to comfort yourself that your opponents are bad people. But I don’t think Boris Johnson is a bad man. I think he is a trivial man</i></blockquote><p></p><p>What a masterly put down from Keir Starmer's conference speech. Nothing could be more wounding to a narcissist than being called trivial. It's dismissive and contemptuous. Starmer was also nodding towards Angela Rayner – 'that's how to do it.' The only problem is that it's wrong. Johnson is a bad man. He's bad enough to be dangerous.</p><p>We've lived through an era of triviality in serious times. Populism has saturated politics after the financial crisis. When we needed complex interventions, we were offered simple solutions. No serious politician would have even risked leaving the EU. The costs and consequences were clear to anyone who was not blinded by ideology. With a disruptive and organised minority of extremists pushing for idiocy, any capable party leader would have crushed them. They should have been marginalised not indulged. Cameron's stupidity has now meant that the extremists have taken over the party. Conservatism has been replaced by nationalism. </p><p>Even allowing for the referendum result, nobody with any sense would have delivered Brexit, certainly not in this way. It wouldn't have been unprecedented to dodge a bullet in the national interest. After the bizarre 2011 referendum in Greece, Tsipras looked at the consequences of expulsion from the Euro, forgot the result, and did a deal on worse terms than the ones that had been rejected. Varoufakis was ditched to spend more time making a lot of money out of the credulous. Instead of choosing sanity, Britain ploughed ahead with self-harm. But then we were in the land of the inadequate, with Etonian overconfidence facing post-Leninist self-righteousness. While May, more serious but not more capable, allowed her obsession with immigration to trump the national interest.</p><p>Johnson appears to be the most trivial of all. But Max Hastings <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/oct/10/boris-johnson-unfit-to-be-prime-minister">got him right</a> early. </p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><p><i>Most politicians are ambitious and ruthless, but Boris is a gold medal egomaniac. I would not trust him with my wife nor – from painful experience – my wallet. It is unnecessary to take any moral view about his almost crazed infidelities, but it is hard to believe that any man so conspicuously incapable of controlling his own libido is fit to be trusted with controlling the country.</i></p><p><i>His chaotic public persona is not an act – he is, indeed, manically disorganised about everything except his own image management. He is also a far more ruthless, and frankly nastier, figure than the public appreciates.</i></p></blockquote><p><i></i></p><p>And <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jun/24/boris-johnson-prime-minister-tory-party-britain">here</a>, after his ascent to power was guaranteed:</p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><p><i>… he cares for no interest save his own fame and gratification.</i></p><p></p></blockquote><p>Sonia Purnell said the same in her <a href="https://www.hive.co.uk/Product/Sonia-Purnell/Just-Boris--A-Tale-of-Blond-Ambition---A-Biography-of-Boris-Johnson/10799512">devastating biography</a> of Johnson. And even in our small corner of Greece, where the Johnson family have a holiday home, he is disliked by people who have had dealings with him. As Hastings puts it, <i>"Almost the only people who think Johnson a nice guy are those who do not know him."</i></p><p>Johnson <a href="https://twitter.com/PeterStefanovi2/status/1443968610498646023?s=20">tells lies with easy confidence</a>. About everything. If stuck for a reply, he makes it up. But <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/oct/01/boris-johnson-rigging-the-system-power-courts-protest-elections">something more important </a>is going on. Pressure on the courts, threatening the BBC, voter suppression through photo ID, restricting the independence of the Electoral Commission, etc. etc. These steps are all drawn from the alt-right playbook. While being excused over Covid for his libertarian instincts, his authoritarian actions are there to see and point to a different person.</p><p>Journalists are fond of naive pieces saying that Johnson is to be ousted, that he will step down, that his time is up. Forget it. This is the one thing he cares about, and all his ruthlessness and cunning will be used to keep him in power. He doesn't want to use it for any serious purpose, he wants it for himself. </p><p>There was one chance to get rid of him early after his prorogation of Parliament was found to be unlawful. There was a majority of MPs who would have voted for a motion of no confidence and installed a temporary government. Corbyn's ego prevented that as he insisted that he had to lead it, rather than a senior figure with no personal ambitions who was acceptable to all. However, Johnson was still stuck until the opposition parties astonishingly gave him the early general election he craved. Bad people have to be lucky in their enemies if they are to persist. And the opposition will miss opportunities if they don't take their opponent seriously and forget that the chances won't come round again for a long time. No, Johnson is not trivial, and though it's a beautifully cruel jibe, thinking he is will lead to a fatal underestimation of such a flawed, and destructive man.</p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-15155991619337156272021-09-28T13:23:00.002+01:002021-09-28T13:23:25.283+01:00Freedom free movement<p>Labour shadow cabinet ministers have been talking to the media, all pushing the same message that Labour in power will never reintroduce freedom of movement - in the middle of a crisis partially caused by the ending of freedom of movement - when polling shows popular support for freedom of movement running at over 60% - when immigration has never been a less salient issue - and without mentioning that it's a reciprocal right that benefits us as much as others. It's gesture politics, another version of Ed Miliband's anti-immigration mug. That was a huge success, wasn't it? My tip is that if Labour wants to be populist, it should choose something popular, not something that will dismay most of its voters to appease a fictional notion of an atavistic working class.</p><p>In doing so, it has solemnly pledged:</p><p>1. That Labour will never again be a member of the single market, let alone join EFTA or rejoin the EU, whatever the economic advantages in doing so.</p><p>2. That Labour will maintain barriers to trade and hard borders with our largest and nearest trading partner and supplier of food, regardless of any damage to the country.</p><p>3. It will ensure that any closer relationship with the EU will be limited and that we will negotiate with them from a weak position. It rules out a future relationship like Switzerland's.</p><p>4. It promises not to restore the rights that British citizens had removed from them by Brexit.</p><p>As a result, Labour stands with the old against the young, and for nostalgic nationalism against progressive internationalism. To do that, it will sacrifice future prosperity. It is standing for hard Brexit. This is a curious position for a party with an overwhelmingly pro-European membership, when a huge majority of young voters loathe Brexit, and when polls consistently find that a majority think that Brexit was a mistake - despite the lack of political leadership on the issue.</p><p>Do they understand the full implications of what they are saying? I don't know. They have backed Blue Labour over New Labour, and are ignoring a whole range of alternative traditions that should be part of social democratic renewal. It's an unimaginative dead end. </p><p>Brexit was a mad idea that threw down a challenge to the political class. They have failed it, totally. And even the current mess is not forcing a rethink. As for me, I have my permanent Greek residency. I am the last generation to salvage something out of the wreckage. For every one else, some freedom of movement will still exist, but only for the rich.</p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-19842717420414220162021-09-07T15:42:00.000+01:002021-09-07T15:42:06.069+01:00Times change<p> Extraordinary courage. </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='320' height='266' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dz6xb447oLO0-2qUGFTW50_jIhDDoIginFGWuXeKMCgEFcCAbpSJ73QvvBBqjAVkej4b4E25RQvkYg' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></div><br /><p>From the <a href="https://twitter.com/nrfafg">National Resistance Front of Afghanistan</a>. Women demonstrating in Kabul against the Taliban.</p><p>The demonstrations were dispersed, but this was one<a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-58472978"> response to the call for a 'national uprising'</a> by the resistance.</p><p>And <a href="https://twitter.com/AlinejadMasih/status/1435222781466234884?s=20">here</a>:</p><i><blockquote>I was broken when I first heard the Taliban took over but I told myself I shouldn’t give up my fight for my rights. I decided to take to the streets with about 40 or 50 other women & publicly challenge the Taliban. No fear, now we are united.</blockquote></i><div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzn6qwC7odbJKmDonQmwCXHaR0X8lNfHjtexzEM9ICRPVvFdYIxK8f3DMG1zqQC8mbwi7byvGoTSmReJ5aCutM-VqtbzwwXtfOyD3Vp0gMhN1WCow_mWPdfLPwoDLgav-eJxldmA/s1859/E-rvgy2XoAQOkVR.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1115" data-original-width="1859" height="192" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzn6qwC7odbJKmDonQmwCXHaR0X8lNfHjtexzEM9ICRPVvFdYIxK8f3DMG1zqQC8mbwi7byvGoTSmReJ5aCutM-VqtbzwwXtfOyD3Vp0gMhN1WCow_mWPdfLPwoDLgav-eJxldmA/s320/E-rvgy2XoAQOkVR.jpeg" width="320" /></a></div><p>This is the reason why history does not repeat itself. For all the imperfections of its democracy, twenty years of building a civil society brought hope, experience, and activity. Nothing can be turned back to how it was. The Taliban have seized a changed country that doesn't want it. Most people will seek to survive, a few will collaborate, but some will resist. The future is unpredictable, but I am in awe of the bravery of these Afghans in the face of brutality after being betrayed by allies. </p><p>Liberty and equality in modern liberal societies is worth defending or winning - in Afghanistan as in Belarus and elsewhere. When rights are taken away, people will struggle to regain them, even at appalling personal cost.</p></div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-47546759406462557182021-08-17T12:53:00.004+01:002021-08-17T13:32:05.867+01:00History<p><span style="box-sizing: border-box;"><span></span></span></p><blockquote style="font-family: inherit;"><span><i>“You were given the choice between war and dishonour. You chose dishonour and you will have war.”</i></span></blockquote><p style="font-family: inherit;"><span><span style="font-family: inherit;">There are no historical analogies, nor does history repeat itself. There are precedents, however, and the precedent of delivering an ally as a gift to your enemy is not a promising one.</span></span></p><p><span><span style="font-family: inherit;">And when that enemy is, in this </span><span>case, an anti-democratic, totalitarian, ideologically committed misogyny with a history of ultra violence and the persecution of minorities, it is likely to be a catastrophe for the people who have been abandoned.</span></span></p><p><span><span>The trickiest question in history is to ask how wars end, rather than how they begin. And twenty years is not as long as people may think to achieve a settlement. If patience is a virtue, impatience is a weakness that feeds into a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nirvana_fallacy">nirvana fallacy</a>.</span></span></p><p><span><span>I don't know enough to be able to say anything more, other than express my moral disgust and sense of unease. I don't think that this will turn out well.</span></span></p><p></p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-25952291899287069512021-08-08T12:40:00.002+01:002021-08-08T12:48:16.412+01:00No transport of delight<p><span style="font-family: inherit;">I like this piece, <i><a href="https://orynski.eu/20-reasons-why-there-is-shortage-of-drivers-in-the-uk/">20 reasons why there is shortage of drivers in the UK</a>. </i>In the media<i> t</i>he shortage is being presented as either down to the 'pingdemic' or Brexit, depending on your ideological position. It's a bit more complicated than that though.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: inherit;">Of the </span>twenty<span style="font-family: inherit;"> reasons </span>Oryński gives, only one is COVID and half a dozen are Brexit related. The others are long-standing issues about working conditions and employer relations. If they had been addressed earlier, the system might have been more resilient to the temporary shock of COVID but probably nothing could have stemmed the damage of the permanent impact of Brexit. Especially when it was imposed without proper preparation and against all expert advice. It's not just the new trade barriers that are a shock, it's the interaction with structural weaknesses that were already present. And just as the shock was radical, so is the response.</p><p>And here lies the problem. COVID will end, but the social and economic impact of Brexit is long lasting. Once people and businesses have left, once the investment has flowed out to the EU to stay in the single market, they won't ever come back. We could rejoin tomorrow, but they have gone forever. The UK's reputation is ruined. Why return? Especially for people who have experienced this: </p><i><blockquote>Brexit had opened a black hole into the deepest layers of British society that we haven’t seen before. The level of harassment and hate crime has risen to unprecedented levels. If you were European, would you really want to come to the country where at every little step – from dealing with Home Office and Border Forces to the trip to your local pub – you can be reminded in a very clear manner, that you’re not welcome here?</blockquote></i><div>In just seven months, decades of damage has been done - permanent damage. And every single thing was as predicted and was warned about. Experts in trade, in European law, people in the arts, business organisations, trade unions, and even the two previous Prime Ministers who negotiated peace in Northern Ireland all warned against Brexit. They pointed out the pitfalls and dangers. All were dismissed with a single phrase, 'project fear.' It was a neat formulation that meant that the warnings could be conveniently ignored without the effort of engaging with their substance. </div><div><br /></div><div>I am writing this in Greece. A short distance across the Aegean, the beautiful island of Evia is burning. Further south, Athens is threatened. We are safe here but on high alert. It's a national catastrophe following on from an unprecedented heatwave. And it struck me that Brexiters are peddling ignorance in the same way that <a href="https://www.businessgreen.com/blog-post/4035482/meet-climate-sceptics-climate-sceptics">climate change deniers did, and still do</a>. Then I thought of the COVID sceptics doing the same. It's a particular pathology. People who are experts in their field, have deep knowledge and experience, are ignored in favour of people spouting what they would prefer as an alternative to truth. Comforting fictions only work for a time until reality bites. And for most of us, reality is sinking its teeth deep into our flesh. Then I looked at these denialisms again, and not only are their ways of thinking and propagandising the same, so are the people. There are exceptions, but there is a big overlap between extreme Brexiters, climate denial, and COVID scepticism. Dig deeper and you find the same sources of funding too, as Peter Geoghegan explores in <a href="https://www.hive.co.uk/Product/Peter-Geoghegan/Democracy-for-Sale--Dark-Money-and-Dirty-Politics/24069555">his excellent book</a>.</div><div><br /></div><div>This is how democracy is undermined. If democracy is reduced to winning a vote through successful marketing and misdirection rather than popular and expert deliberation, when it can delay action or push a government to behave irresponsibly against the national interest, then it becomes the instrument of special interests and the plaything of political hobbyists - people with the time and money to pursue their obsessions; a huge over-confidence in their own abilities; disregard for the consequences of their actions on others; and disdain for any institutions and processes that restrain them. <br /></div><div><p>The result is that we get caught up in a vortex of utter bollocks, convenient ignorance expressed with all the confidence that privileged inexpertise brings with it. And we all have to live with the consequences of their attempt to impose their fantasy worlds on people living in the real one.</p></div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-40931287855879396392021-06-28T16:20:00.000+01:002021-06-28T16:20:23.480+01:00England, my England<span style="font-family: inherit;">England's a nice country. The weather's crap though, I'll give you that. </span><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">Yet, journalists are addicted to painting it as some sort of nationalist hell-hole, sunk in flag-waving nostalgia, and full of callous people reeking of xenophobia. It's not true. Though the country smiles, part of it presents itself with a snarl and that's what we see. Football supporters abroad, young holiday makers bingeing on cheap booze, sunshine, and freedom from restraint, and the Brexiters. Our dysfunctional and unpleasant government has joined in the snarling too. It has released a barrage of abuse at the EU though balances it with horrible and gullible obsequiousness towards any non-European who will do a trade deal with us. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">Here's the government negotiating the Australia trade deal</span><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">
<iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/2zCOGyTebNI?controls=0" title="YouTube video player" width="560"></iframe> </span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">And here's the government after reading the terms of the deal it has just signed.</span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">
<iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/6CH1IOJOys0?controls=0" title="YouTube video player" width="560"></iframe> </span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">In all the coverage it's easy to see the snarl but miss the smiles, especially when they're hidden behind self-deprecating grumbles in the drizzle. And this is the problem with politics at the moment. Everyone is obsessed with trying to please the snarlers. And they do so because they share three assumptions, none of which are wholly true. The first is cultural pessimism. </span></div><div><br /></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">This line, by the Blue Labour guru, Maurice Glassman, written more than a year ago <a href="https://www.bluelabour.org/home/a-christmas-letter-from-maurice-glasman ">is a classic</a> example. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><i></i></span></div><blockquote><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><i>The loyalty of the working-class to Labour is the fundamental reason that our country did not go fascist.</i></span></div></blockquote><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">Eh? There is absolutely no evidence at all that this is true. Not a single competent social historian would make that claim. The working-class did not go fascist because they were not fascists. Fascism had no appeal. Besides, the class base for fascism was the lower middle class, together with some wealthier fellow travellers. If you add age into the equation, this was also the base for the Brexit vote. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">Blue Labour have a vision of a regressive, conservative working class wanting to stick it to the Europeans with their authenticity. </span>Glassman's support for Brexit has nothing to do with the impact of the public policy, but the symbolism of the act. <span style="font-family: inherit;">It's a common view, but Blue Labour types take it further by saying that their mythical workers are right and that they are incapable of change. The result is that rather than being representatives, they think that the Labour Party has to be the agent of white working-class anger. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">Once again, it isn't true. We don't have a snarling working class needing to be appeased by making foreigners suffer. The working classes are not homogenous - white, male, and unpleasant. This was something Hobsbawm pointed out in the late 70s. You would have thought that politicians would have caught on by now. The most important thing is that values do change, and </span>as Sam Freedman points out <span style="font-family: inherit;">have </span><a href="https://www.tortoisemedia.com/2021/06/24/the-red-wall-is-not-reactionary/" style="font-family: inherit;">changed radically</a><span style="font-family: inherit;">.</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></div><div><br /></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">The second is polarisation. <a href="https://www.hive.co.uk/Product/Hans-Rosling/Factfulness--Ten-Reasons-Were-Wrong-About-The-World---And/21608837">Hans Rosling</a> shows why this is based on common false assumptions.</span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"></span></div><blockquote><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><i>Dividing the world into two distinct sides is simple and intuitive, and also dramatic because it implies conflict, and we do it without thinking, all the time...</i></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><i><br /></i></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><i>The gap instinct makes us imagine division where there is just a smooth range, difference where there is convergence, and conflict where there is agreement. </i></span></div></blockquote><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">We see the snarling polarities clearly. They are the zealots, Brexiter ultras and their Corbynite placard waving, self-righteous equivalents on the left. Yet </span>the poles are <a href="https://ukandeu.ac.uk/our-elections-show-the-centre-holding/">not flourishing</a> the way a hyperbolic press would suggest.<span style="font-family: inherit;"> For example GB News is sinking in a sea of indifference. </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">But if we follow the noise or confine our observations to Twitter, we miss the ambivalence and variation that makes up the majority. </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">People's views are fluid, rather than fixed. They are open to difference and change. Nor are they certain. People asked a question on an issue they know little about, will provide a gut instinct answer. It won't be informed or permanent. The referendum was like that. The leave campaign presented Brexit as meaning 'the same only a little bit better.' It was enough for a fragile majority to think, 'Why not?' We have treated that impulse as binding and the division as entrenched. If you</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> fear the committed, you don't see the vast ranks of the sympathetic and persuadable. </span></div><div><br /></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">The third fallacy, linked to this, is the failure to appreciate that most people aren't listening. </span><a href="https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/biden-defeats-trump-election-2020-president-repudiation.html" style="font-family: inherit;">This piece</a><span style="font-family: inherit;"> by J</span>onathan Chait <span style="font-family: inherit;">brilliantly shows why America was never Trump writ large. It's lessons apply just as much to the UK.</span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><i><blockquote>Just how a man like this managed to eke out a narrow victory in 2016 has been a source of torment for his critics. It is easy to understand if you begin with the fact that most Americans — and especially the most persuadable Americans — spend little or no time following political news. Many of them have stressful lives that do not leave much room for it. Deciding which candidate to cast their vote for is like trying to follow the plot of a television series they have never seen and have only heard discussed in snippets over the water cooler. </blockquote></i></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"> This is why he can say that: </span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><i></i></span></div><blockquote><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><i> America, by and large, never wanted Trump to be president. </i></span></div></blockquote><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">It's the same with Brexit. Few of the leave voters lay awake at night craving Brexit, few understood it and the same can be said for many remain voters. It just seemed like a good idea on the day and once we had the vote we were stuck with it. Remain politicians were cowed by the referendum and refused to challenge an indecisive and narrow majority, while the zealots of leave used the mandate to radicalise their demands after the result. We are where we are because of a fundamental failure in representation, blown apart by a misconceived referendum. </span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">So, when the left sees the stubborn Conservative lead in the polls, their first instinct is to accuse the electorate of being uncaring or stupid or worse. It's the same analysis as Blue Labour. Both think that the people are brutes, only one of them thinks that they are to be scolded rather than appeased. If they want the real answer to their question of, 'Why can't they see what we can?' The answer is that they are not looking. And if the opposition wants them to look, it must point it out in a way that they will notice and then offer something better, something nicer, something in their own image. </span></div></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-family: inherit;">A cloud of timidity has settled over opposition politics. It's the fear of giving offence combined with liberal self-doubt. Instead, we need an opposition that recognises what a nice country we are and gives us a </span>politics<span style="font-family: inherit;"> that reflects it. Sam Freedman again:</span></div><div><blockquote><i>Instead of running scared of the right’s culture warriors, Labour should acknowledge that the public is largely on their side. That doesn’t mean being needlessly provocative or indulging in every spat. But progressive parties have the opportunity to build a popular counter-narrative about an out-of-touch, anti-science and intolerant right. Backing away from the fight is a terrible strategy; especially when you’re winning the war.</i></blockquote></div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-71706637054449592622021-06-06T21:58:00.003+01:002021-06-06T22:09:59.923+01:00It's the stupidity, stupid<p>There's a fabulous little 1976 essay by Carlo M Cipolla, <i><a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Basic-Laws-Human-Stupidity-International/dp/0753554836/">The Basic Laws of Human Stupidity</a></i>. It's been reissued recently and explains much of the mess the UK is in.</p><p>It's a transactional analysis. He divides people into four basic categories: the helpless, the intelligent, the bandit and the stupid. The helpless lose while the other party gains at their expense, in an exchange between intelligent people both parties gain, the bandit is someone who profits from another's losses, but then there is the most numerous category, the stupid.</p><p>This definition is from his third (and golden) basic law:</p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><p><i>A stupid person is a person who causes losses to another person or to a group of persons while himself deriving no gain and even possibly incurring losses.</i></p><p></p></blockquote><p>It's a pretty good working definition of stupidity, much more precise than than the word's customary use as a vague insult. Though I would want to de-personalise it. Intelligent people can promote stupid ideas, but as a description of stupid policy, it's pretty good. </p><p>And it defines Brexit. There are no gains, everyone has lost something – the EU, the UK, individual citizens, business, services, Northern Ireland, the arts; everyone. There have not even been any savings, it's cost far more than it has saved in EU contributions. However devoted Brexiters are, it doesn't stop it being stupid.<span style="font-size: x-small;">*</span></p><p>Now it has happened, it has to be dealt with. That's not easy.</p><p>Cipolla points out that the other categories of people can't understand the stupid. They think that people are behaving according to rational self-interest. Some talk about Brexiters' dark motives, claiming that they are out to make money, that they are disaster capitalists and tax avoiders, that there is some EU regulation that they want to avoid, or that there is a mysterious profit that they will make, rather than them simply being people attached to a stupid idea. Stupidity is baffling to those who are not stupid. Cipolla writes:</p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><p><i>Our daily life is mostly, made of cases in which we lose money and/or time and/or energy and/or appetite, cheerfulness and good health because of the improbable action of some preposterous creature who has nothing to gain and indeed gains nothing from causing us embarrassment, difficulties or harm. Nobody knows, understands or can possibly explain why that preposterous creature does what he does. In fact there is no explanation - or better there is only one explanation: the person in question is stupid.</i></p></blockquote><p>Yep, Brexit is stupid – end of.</p><p>The damage has been done, most of it is permanent. The businesses that have left will not be coming back, neither will many of the people. As for the UK's reputation, it's ruined. So, what do we do? More importantly, what does the opposition do? They face a problem. They have to win back the support of the people who voted for Brexit and, for the time being, remain attached to it. They also need the support of the more numerous of their supporters who voted against it. The solution they've chosen is to pretend either that it doesn't exist or, if it does, that there's nothing they can do, or even that we must even "embrace" it as if it wasn't stupid. They have chosen helplessness, or, at best, saying that they could do the stupid thing a little less stupidly. And that brings me to Cipolla's fourth basic law:</p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><p><i>Non-stupid people always underestimate the damaging power of stupid individuals. In particular non-stupid people constantly forget that at all times and places and under any circumstances to deal and/or associate with stupid people always turns out to be a costly mistake...<br /></i></p><p><i>Through centuries and millennia, in public as in private life, countless individuals have failed to take account of the Fourth Basic Law and the failure has caused mankind incalculable losses.</i></p></blockquote><p>Labour's strategy, driven by a contestable analysis of strategically important voters, is to accept Brexit as immutable, just as the tide of opinion is flowing in the opposite direction. What's more stupid – a stupid policy or treating a stupid policy as if it was not stupid?</p><p>Of course it will fail. It works on the assumption that the stupid are rational. Cipolla again:</p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><i>A stupid creature will harass you for no reason, for no advantage, without any plan or scheme and at the most improbable times and places. You have no rational way of telling if and when and how and why the stupid creature attacks. When confronted with a stupid individual you are completely at his mercy. Because the stupid person’s actions do not conform to the rules of rationality, it follows that:<br />a) one is generally caught by surprise by the attack;<br />b) even when one becomes aware of the attack, one cannot organize a rational defense, because the attack itself lacks any rational structure. <br />The fact that the activity and movements of a stupid creature are absolutely erratic and irrational not only makes defense problematic but it also makes any counter-attack extremely difficult - like trying to shoot at an object which is capable of the most improbable and unimaginable movements. This is what both Dickens and Schiller had in mind when the former stated that "with stupidity and sound digestion man may front much" and the latter wrote that "against stupidity the very Gods fight in vain."</i></blockquote><p></p><p>And this is what's happening now. As we reap the reward of their stupidity, the government attacks the deal that they negotiated, on terms they asked for, whose MPs voted for, which they lauded during the election campaign and then blame the EU for its failings. How do you fight that? </p><p>It's also explains why the current regime of the stupid is wedded to lying. If their actions have no rational structure, they aren't tied to truth. And if truth is inconvenient, why bother with it?</p><p>Mendacity and stupidity walk together. The only way to oppose a politics of falsehood is by the radical act of telling the truth. Opposition doesn't come from obfuscation. To say that a stupid policy is, indeed, stupid, isn't comfortable, it opens up some tough battles. But to appease stupidity is to allow it to reign in perpetuity. This is the challenge the opposition faces. And they're ducking it. This is how the intelligent fail. The nation needs them to win.<br /><br /></p><p><span style="font-size: x-small;">*There have been collateral benefits for some. Brexit was a rebellion by the stupid part of the elite against the intelligent. It was driven by resentment at their exclusion because of their stupidity. They won but haven't a clue what to do with their victory because they are stupid. This is how Johnson became PM, a position he craved despite being manifestly unsuited to the job. Other European nations have also gained much of the business we have lost, but then they recognise that their gains came their way because of our stupidity.</span></p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-758646307463597682021-05-21T14:59:00.003+01:002021-05-21T17:02:02.481+01:00Though cowards flinch and traitors sneer<p>I can't stand the sneering. Criticism is fine, but the left using Starmer's title as a put-down and calling him "Sir Keith" is not just unintelligent, it's part of a contradictory war on the leadership in the name of unity. It's weirder still for middle-class activists to aim their inverted snobbery at the first leader Labour has had from a working-class background for yonks. But that's not all. Up until just over a year ago, this faction formed the party leadership and they failed. They failed utterly. </p><p>Corbyn's leadership was the catastrophe it always promised to be. His legacy is a party that is distrusted by sections of the electorate in strategically important constituencies in a disproportionate electoral system. It gifted Johnson his election, ran an incompetent campaign, and put forward a manifesto that claimed to be 'radical' though was anything but, all under a leader whose polling figures were unprecedentedly awful. </p><p>There isn't a sign that they have grasped the extent of the catastrophe that they visited on the party and the country. Instead, they have slipped back into their comfort zone, attacking the party leadership and demanding the same things that produced a crushing defeat. </p><p>If you don't understand why you lost, you can't win. Which brings me to cowardice. Starmer's leadership is petrified of upsetting a minority of Brexiter and 'social conservative' voters – often mis-characterised as the white working class, possessors of an authenticity that is morally superior to the views of the dilettante liberal elite. The result is that Starmer's policy on Brexit is, "Don't mention the war." He's a convinced European who's too afraid of the consequences of his convictions.</p><p>Brexit is unfolding as a cumulative mess. One area after another meets the reality of damage and disruption. British citizens have had rights and liberties removed and their status permanently downgraded. It's crumbling before our eyes. And still, Labour is silent.</p><p>There is unease in the party but even then, the caution is overwhelming. Take this <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/brexit-starmer-labour-hodgson-reeves_uk_60a6734ce4b0d45b75264df8">dismal offering</a>: </p><p></p><blockquote><p><i>Labour should stop being scared of Leave voters in the red wall and be “braver” about criticising the government over Brexit failures, an aide to Keir Starmer has said.</i></p><p><i>Sharon Hodgson told HuffPost UK’s Commons People podcast the party should “stop being scared of poking the tiger” and alienating Brexit supporters.</i></p><p></p></blockquote><p>Then she shows herself to be terrified. She tiptoes around, talking of "<i>teething problems,</i>" "<i>short-term pain</i>," "<i>not getting the best Brexit we could have got</i>," "<i>we’re not trying to unpick the whole thing by saying actually this could be improved</i>." You can smell the fear. It's no good talking of the Irish border without acknowledging that if there isn't one in the Irish Sea, there must be one on the mainland, smashing the Good Friday Agreement. Starmer's circle talk about making Brexit work, but don't define how they would or even what they mean by 'work.'</p><p>It's a nonsense. If you can't say that placing barriers to trade between yourself and your largest and nearest market is going to do permanent, long-term damage, what is the point? If you don't say that ending free movement reduces UK citizens' rights permanently and will damage the economy, then you are being dishonest. If you aren't prepared to say that the permanent and sustainable solution to the Northern Ireland border issue is to re-join the single market and customs union, you are dodging your responsibilities.</p><p>Just who are they speaking for? Not for the majority, yes majority, who oppose Brexit and think it's a mistake. Not for the plurality who would vote to re-join. Not for the Labour voters and members who are overwhelmingly pro-EU. Not for the young who are appalled by this blight on their future. Not for small businesses. Not for Scotland. Not for one of Labour's greatest achievements, peace in Northern Ireland. No, the national interest must be abandoned in favour of a small group of ex-Labour voters in the 'Red Wall' seats. And even then, the analysis is questionable as the decline in the Labour vote has more to do with <a href="https://jonn.substack.com/p/its-the-demographics-stupid">demographic</a> change, <a href="https://www.economist.com/britain/2021/04/03/the-truth-behind-the-tories-northern-strongholds">housing</a>, and the obvious fact that Labour has <a href="https://twitter.com/FlipChartRick/status/1393270288889139200">not lost the support of working age people</a>, but<a href="https://flipchartfairytales.wordpress.com/2021/05/21/labours-problem-is-not-the-working-class-its-the-grey-wall/"> the retired</a>, than it had to do with Brexit. While <a href="https://yougov.co.uk/topics/politics/articles-reports/2021/05/17/stereotypical-image-red-wall-residents-accurate">the red wall voters don't appear to fit</a> the Blue Labour stereotype at all. People are <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/oct/04/red-wall-labour-heartlands-britain">much nicer </a>than they are portrayed.</p><p>I don't want to be complacent, but obfuscation on something as important as Brexit makes a politician look shifty and untrustworthy, especially when we know that it is only tactical. Starmer is not a great communicator at the best of times, he won't get away with it.</p><p><a href="https://www.theneweuropean.co.uk/brexit-news/peter-kellner-on-the-labour-party-crisis-7960234">Peter Kellner</a> gets this right</p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><i>Britain’s more recent political history has dealt Keir Starmer a weak hand. He won’t escape the pincer by triangulating the rival identities that comprise Britain’s new electorate. He might just do by developing a brave and credible programme for the country’s future. Like a successful entrepreneur, he should start by getting the product right. When he’s done that, he can worry about how to sell it to his different target voters.</i></blockquote><p></p><p>So, how did we get here? It seems that Corbynism has been usurped by Blue Labour in the centre of power. The best starting point for understanding why is Matt Bolton's and Harry Pitts' superb study, <i><a href="https://www.hive.co.uk/Product/Matt-Bolton/Corbynism--A-Critical-Approach/22513052 ">Corbynism: A Critical Approach</a>.</i></p><p>The book comes from the left – using a critical Marxist perspective associated with people like <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moishe_Postone">Postone</a> – rather than being a centrist rant. It has excellent chapters on political economy, antisemitism, and why an absurd personality cult grew up around such a mediocrity. It reinforced my view of the group around Corbyn that they weren't even left wing. Their radicalism was performative rather than substantive. </p><p>But it also has other targets – the Lexiters and Blue Labour. Bolton and Pitts see them as the reverse side of the same coin as Corbynism. Together, they make up the left and right wings of a nationalist populism that wants to destabilise liberalism, rather than defend its gains against the attacks of reactionaries and use them for the basis of a new socialism and internationalism; one that avoids authoritarianism.</p><p>Labour is caught between its electoral failure and a national crisis. Brexit is an historic mistake, the result of a rebellion by one right-wing elite faction against another. It was won on an appeal to the past. Labour only wins when it has a vision of the future – 'Let us Face the Future,' 'the white heat of the technological revolution,' 'New Labour, New Britain.' The far left traded in nostalgia for a 1945 that never existed. Brexit was sold on an illusionary past of British exceptionalism. Being European is not refighting old battles. Britain may have left the EU, but Brexit is not over, it's a never-ending process of trying to work out a relationship with Europe. Once Theresa May decided on a hard Brexit, leaving the single market and customs union, she ensured that the war would continue. The vision of Britain as a progressive European nation can be the basis for a renewed economic and social policy - a hope for the future, not a lament for a lost past. It would be part of a revival of other left traditions – distinct from third way modernisation and fringe post-Leninist factionalism. </p><p>Instead, Labour's current policy is like a little boy who ran away from home to join the circus. Now, lonely and unhappy, he presses his nose to the window and looks at the warmth and comfort inside. He's too scared to ring the doorbell. Instead, he swallows hard and looks towards a harsh, uncertain future instead of a prosperous one built on secure foundations. It's a tragedy in search of a happy ending.</p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-91390371280544763252021-05-21T13:51:00.001+01:002021-05-21T13:51:54.146+01:00Once more unto the breach<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">I haven't blogged for a long time. There are many reasons why. One is that I've been busy with taking decisions and sorting out my Greek life given the devastating consequences of Brexit. In a bitter/sweet moment I've now secured my future and have permanent residence status in Greece. It's sweet, because I'm secure; the bitterness comes from the loss of all the rights I held previously. Residence is a shadow of EU citizenship, but not as bad as the second-class status in Europe of most UK passport holders. Brexit is the biggest loss of freedom in my lifetime.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">Then, in the middle of a pandemic, I've got to take decisions on my house and life in Manchester, while being locked down in Greece. With the second dose of vaccine due in a couple of weeks, I should be OK to travel back to the UK. In the meantime, I'm grateful to my neighbours who have looked after the house.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">These practicalities have been compounded by despair at British politics overwhelming my irritation. Despair is as depressing to read as it is to write. You've had a narrow escape.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">But I suppose the most important thing of all, is that I have been writing another book and moving in a different direction. It's speculative and may never see the light of day, but I've been short of time and thinking about different things. The first draft is done, so I reckon it's time to take up the cudgels again as catharsis and light relief. If anyone is still reading, thanks for sticking around.</span></p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-16618377676307005232021-01-16T14:58:00.000+00:002021-01-16T14:58:25.479+00:00The strange death of Remain Labour<p>Brexit died a long time before it was implemented as a little-loved zombie by the Johnson government. Any hope of forming some sort of national agreement was wrecked by Theresa May declaring that Brexit meant hard Brexit, leaving the single market and customs union – something that much of the Leave campaign said wouldn't happen. But it was the opposition that she stirred that killed it off. The largest pro-European movement in Europe took to the streets, the majority turned against Brexit in the polls, and all hope of a consensual politics, without which such a radical and complex change is impossible, was gone. Instead, Brexit became a theatre for right-wing Tory zealots, cosplaying nationalists, and a handful of deluded Lexiters. The opposition hasn't gone away.</p><p>And now Brexit is here. Two weeks into it, rather than sunlit uplands, we are looking at a rain-sodden valley. It's hard to know where to start, but we should remember that what will get to most people is not the big national issues but the small personal costs and inconveniences. They are already accumulating. According to polls, the majority think Brexit was a mistake, the number who still support it is shrinking to no more than a third of the electorate. And it is at this moment that the leader of the opposition has decided <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2021/jan/10/keir-starmer-accepts-end-of-eu-free-movement-in-brexit-reversal">that it's inviolate.</a> His positioning is strategic, but I have to wonder about the strategy, especially in Scotland. </p><p>Starmer's caution and reticence has meant it has taken Tony Blair to give a clear indication of where this thinking is coming from. I was never a Blairite, though after the Cameron/May/Johnson horror story I began to think more kindly of him. Now, I can remember why I had my reservations. He's a convincing political storyteller, but it's the story that's a problem. His narrative is an amalgam of generalities and conventional wisdom, a sort of lyrical management textbook. It's vacuous. In his <a href=" https://institute.global/tony-blair/tony-blair-post-brexit-britain-we-can-succeed-its-change-or-decline">Chatham house speech</a> he returned to a familiar rhetorical formula:</p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><p><i>... we should make a virtue of necessity and see in Brexit’s consequences, an opportunity and an obligation to renew our country and its place in the world</i></p><p><i>It is no longer: ‘Leave or Remain’ but ‘Change or Decline’.</i></p></blockquote><p><i></i></p><p>And bafflingly:</p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><p><i>[Brexit is] a catalyst for change which is necessary even without Brexit and could have been done without doing Brexit, but which, by the challenge it poses, Brexit somehow enables.</i></p><p></p></blockquote><p>He starts by saying that Brexit is a mistake, but then produces a rehashed 'Global Britain' Brexiter argument, reconciling himself to it. </p><p>And this is his aim:</p><p></p><blockquote><i>... if a return to Europe is ever to be undertaken by a new generation, Britain should do it as a successful nation Europe is anxious to embrace, not as supplicant with no other options.</i></blockquote>This is like an unfaithful husband; dump the wife, be a bloody nuisance settling the divorce, go away, get a better job, and then return saying, ' OK, I've come back to you, aren't you the lucky one.' I think I know what the answer might be.<p></p><p>He's wallowing in the Brexiter nostalgia that <a href="https://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/world/the-myth-of-brexit-as-imperial-nostalgia">Robert Saunders describes</a> </p><blockquote><i>... a story that reduces empire to an expression of British power, rather than its source. The myth it fuels is not that empire can return, but that it hardly mattered in the first place: that Britain can flex its muscles on the world stage without the sinews of imperial power. </i></blockquote><p></p><p>This dream is a chimera. However successful Britain is in the international arena, Europe will be what it has always been, our main trading partner and where our most important strategic interests lie. It's inescapable. This isn't new. EU membership resolved difficult structural problems. We have now reimposed them and compounded them by adding extensive barriers to trade, which we had spent the last forty years removing. We have chosen to disadvantage ourselves against every other European nation. </p><p>Structural problems cannot be overcome by vapid calls for "<i>unifying values, clarity of thinking, competence and delivery</i>." Opposing the rancid politics of Brexit is not "<i>outdated ideology</i>." We cannot escape geography, history and economics. Reality always wins and is not going away. The Labour Party standing for doing something stupid more competently than the Tories, even as it becomes more and more unpopular, is not wise. </p><p>The relationship with Europe is the single most important issue facing the country today. It isn't going to disappear. Our economies are interdependent. Close ties are integral to European security. Both the EU and the UK have lost. Brexit is as damaging as it is pointless. We are now locked into a process of continual negotiation and renegotiation to manage these mutual interests. Brexit has scarcely begun. Now is not the time to pretend that it's over.</p><p>No, when Britain returns, as self-interest insists it will, it will be as the penitent, not the supplicant. Brexit was a hostile act - intentionally. It has hurt other countries, it has particularly damaged Ireland and put the peace process at risk. Any hope of return means rejecting convincingly the radical right-wing populism that produced it. It seems that the majority of the people have. It's about time the opposition followed and spoke for the national interest.</p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-56175392966379023802020-12-31T19:53:00.000+00:002020-12-31T19:53:22.884+00:00Happy New Year?<div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibcgu5m-KbwhZYyyqu58Mib2hdrV7ew8twBwGzaCIg3UjttZh2snsbb_8AxpOu98M7xUlBH0GTQmFytrhOJsSuw0EJzVL_2teCaDTWvCzjnJUULdo-bDSxsqee5WjCUSYyC2neKQ/s2679/44C605E6-93BF-4691-8517-B0AA1A66986D_1_201_a.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1174" data-original-width="2679" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEibcgu5m-KbwhZYyyqu58Mib2hdrV7ew8twBwGzaCIg3UjttZh2snsbb_8AxpOu98M7xUlBH0GTQmFytrhOJsSuw0EJzVL_2teCaDTWvCzjnJUULdo-bDSxsqee5WjCUSYyC2neKQ/s320/44C605E6-93BF-4691-8517-B0AA1A66986D_1_201_a.jpeg" width="320" /></a></div><div></div><div><br /></div>It's a bittersweet New Year. <br /><br />Here in Pelion, the weather is glorious, but we are under a strict lockdown because of the pandemic. The world is holding its breath, waiting for the vaccine.<br /><br />And the UK has Brexit. The New Year signals us leaving transition and entering into a hard, hard Brexit that bears little or no relationship to what the Leave campaign promised during the referendum.<br /><br />Brexit has turned my life upside down. I had to become a Greek resident before today to be protected by the Withdrawal Agreement. It's odd to be told by my own government to emigrate or lose my rights and it's not what I had planned. But it's worked out well for us, in a beautiful place, with wonderful friends and neighbours. It's a piece of paradise. It's brought happiness and there have been times I have been overwhelmed with the kindness that we have met.<br /><br />We are the lucky ones, retirement made it possible. But I can't forget the people I know who have lost their job or had their careers ruined because their freedom of movement has been taken away. Nor can I forget the restricted futures of younger people, the businesses facing large increases in bureaucracy and costs, the loss of the European Social Fund and regional aid helping the most deprived, the list goes on. And I can't forget my native country, to my mind making the worst mistake in its post-war history. EU citizenship meant more to me than just the conveniences, rights, and liberties it conferred. It was part of my identity and losing it feels like a bereavement.<br /><br />But I was in time to rescue my Greek life. Good things are happening too, for friends and family. There is sweetness to alleviate the bitterness of the awful year 2020.<br /><br />So, to all my readers, friends and relatives, I hope that 2021 brings sweetness for us all, even though I feel for the victims of this awful pandemic and fret about the future of the United Kingdom. How I wish we had settled for being a nice country with a crap climate, collaborating with the rest of Europe, rather than trying to be ... well, you tell me. The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-50821427887234961802020-12-14T09:27:00.000+00:002020-12-14T09:27:09.440+00:00Nausea<p>We have a disgusting government. We have an even more disgusting and complicit right-wing press. I am not sure that they are wholly sane.</p><p>What can you say about this?</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifoenQGcoRGjFzyUCZvQrjk6_53BkmQxD91QYUXfvK5IaEVHKlR43MSDrRQrxMGHZkIQHgMMRDisI_HBAHrIGIRyyoSKRQV-Wz2LdfqBdHOzTvhoAfpCMEz970aswbCr5rBrcRzw/s686/EpGqKZbWMAI19Ig.jpeg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="438" data-original-width="686" height="127" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifoenQGcoRGjFzyUCZvQrjk6_53BkmQxD91QYUXfvK5IaEVHKlR43MSDrRQrxMGHZkIQHgMMRDisI_HBAHrIGIRyyoSKRQV-Wz2LdfqBdHOzTvhoAfpCMEz970aswbCr5rBrcRzw/w200-h127/EpGqKZbWMAI19Ig.jpeg" width="200" /></a></div><br /><p><br /></p><p><br /></p><p><br /></p><p><br /></p><p><br /></p><p>Untrue, obviously. Racist, certainly. Deeply offensive on so many levels - Kristallnacht, Merkel as a Nazi, Britain, even more offensively, compared to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust. And it's about the bloody war. Give it a rest. It ended seventy-five years ago. </p><p>We are in this mess partly because of decades of blatant, deliberate lying about the EU by these papers. Years and years of relentless nonsense, twisted interpretations, and invented drivel. It has found an audience, made money, given Johnson his career, and cost the country its place in Europe. It also tells you everything you need to know about Brexit.</p><p>Brexit was only about breaking things. True, it subscribed to the old revolutionary slogan about destruction being creative, of a new Britain emerging unchained by those tiresome reciprocal obligations that brought us wealth and security, but they never bothered to tell us how. There was nothing as messy as a programme or a plan. No, every piece of Brexiter propaganda was based on one thing - hatred of the EU, often insane hatred. Just like this piece.</p><p>I'm back in Greece. Brexit has forced me to choose to become resident here before the end of transition. I'm a Brexile. I got back early, getting a flight the day before the UK lockdown and, as it turned out, only a few days before a much tougher Greek lockdown. And then there was the unexpected. A feral dog gave birth to puppies and brought them into our garden. A local animal charity got involved and we rescued them. The local kennels were full, so the option was that they would either be housed in a room provided by a local hotel owner, or we could build a pen in our garden for them until they could be adopted. This is the result.</p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzhsPZ62P9Vy3Ccb21ApkGjWDZJbpyfUoBsNHbMfkZF7fLO4NLHJq-4Em0ybx5lOQLrJJEsaA66_98epCFJuNWOEEem28SjajsPk8xlZopchDK3Sv3PbF2E4V-08yrcr8fYDd3rQ/s1600/59537376-7AE5-4F08-846E-71576A5A50A9.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1600" data-original-width="1200" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjzhsPZ62P9Vy3Ccb21ApkGjWDZJbpyfUoBsNHbMfkZF7fLO4NLHJq-4Em0ybx5lOQLrJJEsaA66_98epCFJuNWOEEem28SjajsPk8xlZopchDK3Sv3PbF2E4V-08yrcr8fYDd3rQ/s320/59537376-7AE5-4F08-846E-71576A5A50A9.jpeg" /></a></div><br /><p><br /></p><p><br /></p><br /><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgqa8rIXJHdQKpSVJp7N9Lfvhc4OEhOAUqpgcoZVn3ICkoearrivjKezk6O02ZgNB0wTfeSPDjjCZmjnDZohk2A0chfgdxBgX96NvUBPiCirJdYJ_4QgEt0Z5W44ztV0t6feVUc3g/s2048/6C40C4F0-0B12-4EEA-84A0-6BB45FF47512.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1536" data-original-width="2048" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgqa8rIXJHdQKpSVJp7N9Lfvhc4OEhOAUqpgcoZVn3ICkoearrivjKezk6O02ZgNB0wTfeSPDjjCZmjnDZohk2A0chfgdxBgX96NvUBPiCirJdYJ_4QgEt0Z5W44ztV0t6feVUc3g/s320/6C40C4F0-0B12-4EEA-84A0-6BB45FF47512.jpeg" width="320" /></a></div><br /><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div>There are six of them. All but one has been found a home. They will move after the next round of injections. And they will be spread all over Europe. </div><div><br /></div><div>The people involved in the rescue and rehoming are Greek, Dutch, Italian, German, and us. It's a European Union in microcosm. Brexit is seen as being all about trade and sovereignty, about international relations and economics. We forget the micro level, people of different nations living where they want and organising themselves to do things as small as rescuing a litter of Greek puppies. Freedom of movement was its triumph. And we have a government that is proud to have removed it, restricting British citizens' rights. Institutions matter. The EU, where it fails can be reformed, but a void is a void. A pile of rubble is no use, it has to be rebuilt. Britain has chosen demolition without reconstruction. </div><div><br /></div><div>Brexit is a national folly, and the attitudes behind it are a national disgrace.</div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-19661465642801723502020-10-25T19:32:00.000+00:002020-10-25T19:32:43.192+00:00Notes from a depressed country<p>I've been back in the UK for a week and a half. It's an odd feeling after more than three months in Greece, but it's amazing how quick it is to adjust to the old normal. Stepping from glorious warm autumn weather into the chill of a Mancunian October is less easy to cope with. But my house is nice and comfortable. It's well stocked with memories, even if the friends are fewer these days. But the country doesn't feel right. It's very easy to project one's own unease onto others and to assume that what you sense is the national mood, although I think that there is something about the way the country feels to me that might ring true to others.</p><p>It could be the pandemic, it could be Brexit, it could be that so many people are isolated from friends and families, that the pubs are closed again, and that we still can't go to watch a football match, but arriving here felt gloomy and unusually quiet. Maybe it's because we are governed by the manifestly unfit who only seem capable of screwing up while describing everything as world-beating. Perhaps there's a realisation that we have not got what we were hoping for, only what we were worried about. But the country feels depressed. There's not the same cheery banter in shops or public places in general. It could be me, but Simon Kuper seems to agree.</p><p>He's written about a study of focus groups in the Financial Times. It's not behind a paywall, so you can read it easily <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/1ea4214c-98de-42ae-bab9-86eb5aa149d9">here</a>. He writes:</p><p></p><blockquote><p><i>The pandemic has slashed people’s emotional investment in Brexit. Hardly anyone is following the technical, depressing trade talks. Both Remainers and Leavers want to patch up the family row — literally, as the other side usually includes their relatives. This divide has turned out to be weaker than the American red-blue split: God isn’t involved, few Britons had strong views on Europe before 2016 and there are no militias to fight this one out. People who made strong statements in the focus groups often immediately apologised: “I’ll get off my soapbox now.” </i></p><p><i>Almost all polls show that most Britons now think Brexit was a mistake ...</i></p><p></p></blockquote><p>I don't think that this is new. The polarisation of the country has always been overstated. The diehards are still in their trenches, but most of the population are where they always were, sharing a cup of tea in no-man's-land. And now the country looks towards January, when Brexit will become real, with a sense of foreboding. You can tell it isn't going well. The Brexiters are getting increasingly angry and hysterical, spewing out irrational hatred of the EU, including condemnation of the 'punishment' they are dishing out by not letting us use the airport gates for EU passport holders! We have to use the ones for third country nationals because that is what we will be and what we asked to be.</p><p>Of course we don't know what will happen other than a big increase in bureaucracy and barriers to trade and travel. Will it just be a pain or will the economic damage cause serious hardship? Who can say? But one thing will be missing in January, a great symbolic act of liberation. That's because we were not oppressed. Brexiters imagined it. There's nothing for us to be liberated from. The best we can hope for is that everything will only get a little bit worse.</p><p>Brexit is a mistaken revolution without benefits. We are caught in it because Cameron decided to gamble the future of the country to appease the obsessive revolutionary cranks in his ranks. The idea of being a leader and actually confronting and defeating them never seemed to occur to him.</p><p>I was reminded of the danger of giving minority cults power by this wonderful <a href="https://newrepublic.com/article/159662/libertarian-walks-into-bear-book-review-free-town-project">article</a>. It's about an American town that elected Randian radical libertarians. They ignored all expert advice and dismantled the economic and administrative base of the town in the belief that private initiative would emerge to run everything better. It didn't. They ended up with bears. The type that kill people. It's a great story of ideological mayhem, but it's also a metaphor for Brexit. 'Let's set the country free to roam the world. But what about the bears? Project fear!'</p><p>And so here we are. Heads down, unenthusiastic, hoping for the best but fearing the worst. Kuper's conclusion - "<i>anxious though most Britons are, they are still probably underestimating Brexit’s impact"</i> - is probably true too. People are in for a shock. In the middle of a pandemic. One that could kill thousands of us. No wonder this is a depressed country.</p>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-75044634829090489812020-09-30T09:31:00.001+01:002020-09-30T09:48:32.297+01:00Bring back democracy, all is forgiven<p>Hardeep Matharu <a href="https://bylinetimes.com/2020/09/22/johnsons-suggestion-that-freedom-loving-britain-has-a-death-wish-may-be-his-greatest-insight/">asks a question</a>:</p><blockquote><i>[Johnson is] ... implying that his Government is only giving the British people what they already desire. While it might be tempting to dismiss this as yet another piece of blame-shifting rhetoric conjured up when reality doesn’t serve him, in his perverse projection does Johnson have a point?<br /><br />Simply put, it must be asked: do the British people have a kind of death wish?</i></blockquote><div>The answer is no. It's another silly generalisation.</div><div><br /></div><div>Anything that talks earnestly about the British people, extrapolating a collective psychology from random events, is making a category error - thinking that there is such a thing as a collective will.</div><div><br /></div><div>This type of speculation rests on two false assumptions. The first is that people are paying attention and actually know about issues. The minority of interested obsessives may be, but the majority are, to the intense disappointment of activists, at best semi-detached. They aren't willing anything, certainly nothing abstract. The second error is thinking that there is a collective consciousness, rather than a preponderance of opinions and impulses, or a bundle of commonly held prejudices.</div><div><br /></div><div>Talking about the broad ignorance of an indifferent people is very different from the idea of a 'silent majority.' This usually conservative idea is that the bulk of people agree with you, but their common-sense voices are crowded out by vocal smart-arses. It's another example of the fallacy of false consensus. You may think that you are right, but it doesn't mean that everybody else agrees with you. And, of course, they don't. They aren't even thinking about it. Their ignorance is perfectly rational. Why do they need to know? They want to get on with their lives. It's people like me who are the weirdos. And for those battered by politics - the poor, the victims of austerity, the vulnerable, etc - they have resentments but are too busy surviving to be actively involved.</div><div><br /></div><div>So, if we overestimate people's engagement, what becomes of democracy, the moment we ask them to have an opinion? The answer has always been representation, the selection of people to use their judgement on your behalf. But for that to maintain its legitimacy, representative institutions have to function effectively, and we now have problems.</div><div><br /></div><div>Parts of the constitution are not fit for purpose. I have lost count of the number of earnest analyses of results that were primarily the result of poorly functioning institutions. What did Labour get wrong in 1951? Hard to say when they lost the election with the largest share of the vote that any single party has ever managed in the post-war period - a larger share than the winners. They lost because of a disproportional electoral system. The same can be said today of the national endorsement of Brexit in the 2019 election, giving Johnson the legitimacy to leave the EU - on 43% of the vote, with the majority of votes going to parties that wanted a second referendum. While recent polling shows that a <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2020/06/25/uk/uk-supports-eu-four-years-after-brexit-intl-gbr/index.html">clear majority now oppose leaving</a> and think <a href="https://www.theneweuropean.co.uk/brexit-news/yougov-poll-on-brexit-regret-141476">it was a mistake</a>. The same share of the vote lost May her majority in 2017 but gave Johnson a landslide victory in 2019 - utter madness. Then there is Trump. Why did the American people vote for him? Well, three million more Americans voted for Clinton. He won an election he lost because of the electoral college system, the disproportionate way it allocates its votes, and the cynicism of his campaign in exploiting it. </div><div><br /></div><div><div>The electoral system is entwined with the party system. It's a bit like Scottish football. However many teams there are, either Celtic or Ranger will win the title. There is a two-party monopoly on power despite multi-party voting. That means that if cranks and loons capture either of the two main parties, they inherit votes and power that they could not win on their own and which rivals cannot take away from them. It's a system made for hobbyists and grifters to flourish.</div><div><br /></div><div>I find it curious how people on the left are still resistant towards proportional representation. Possibly, it's the temptation of power without a majority. I used to be the same, but it was Thatcherism - another landslide on a minority vote - that made me change my mind in the 80s. Arguably, Johnson would have got nowhere near No.10 and we would still be in the European Union if we had a proportional voting system.</div></div><div><br /></div><div>As if we didn't have enough problems, the failure of our representatives to understand our constitution has compounded institutional failures. There should not have been an election in 2019. It was a constitutional outrage to bypass the Fixed Term Parliaments Act with a single clause bill setting its provisions aside, without repealing the legislation. That was egregious enough without the catastrophic misjudgement of the opposition's support. And what on earth was Parliament doing when it voted for a referendum on EU membership? There was no demand for it other than from a few fringe groups. Referendums have no place in a parliamentary democracy, even leaving aside the poor design and the lack of safeguards in something so significant. The fact that MPs thought that leaving was wrong for the country, but still felt bound by the result of a non-binding referendum, shows that they didn't understand their job. </div><div><br /></div><div>At the same time, social media is providing a potent vehicle for the manipulation of short-term opinion. It's short-term because the denial of reality cannot last when reality bites. When the warnings of "Project Fear" start coming true, cognitive dissonance can only take you so far before regret kicks in. The techniques for the denigration of expertise and the replacement of complexity with wishful thinking are well established (as in this <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/series/m000l7q1">superb radio documentary series</a> from Peter Pomerantsev). From <a href="https://youtu.be/KIf5ELaOjOk">voter suppression</a> in the USA to the irregularities and illegalities of the Brexit campaign, social media and data manipulations have a bleak effect.</div><div><br /></div><div>The collapse in support for Brexit has come too late and is unrepresented in the system. Brexit is an elite project claiming to be anti-elitist, opposed by the majority yet being carried out because it is the will of the majority. The government implementing it is from the darkest corners of the Conservative Party. It's part of an <a href="https://www.pressandjournal.co.uk/fp/opinion/columnists/chris-deerin/2507500/chris-deerin-impermeable-self-belief-of-upper-class-a-perilous-trait-as-revolution-gathers-pace/amp/">over-confident and entitled</a> circle from a protected elite, people for whom politics is a game with few penalties for losing. </div><div><br /></div><div>Democracy is not a fixed event, it's a process. The referendum result was the product of particular circumstances, timing, dodgy practices, and the quirks of turnout. It opened up a process, it didn't close it. Yet, due to the insistence of its adherents, it became fixed and immutable. The preferred version of Brexit was the choice of the Conservative government. When a hung Parliament promised scrutiny, the 2019 election was held to stop it. The election was about the prevention, rather than the exercise, of democratic deliberation.</div><div><br /></div><div>All these failures raise questions about democracy and democratic practice. How do we deliberate on policy and scrutinise the executive? How could representation work in mass societies? The answers point to the reform of existing institutions and supplementing them with something new. Paul Evans has addressed some of the issues <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Save-Democracy-Abolish-Paul-Evans/dp/2960211707">here</a>, while <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deliberative_democracy">deliberative democracy</a> offers the possibility of a democratic renewal through enhanced representation and citizen participation. Both parties are mired in constitutional conservatism and complacency. However, Brexit is a constitutional earthquake. The UK may not survive. Northern Ireland is a circle that cannot be squared. As Britain leaves its regional trade block, in order to make trade deals that are worse than the ones it has already, to revel in its increased sovereignty which it hasn't the power to exercise, and to threaten its own well-being and stability as a multi-national entity, the adverse consequences of something that was sold as consequence-free may force a rethink about democratic failures. Perhaps, we will begin to try and renew our democracy and the democratic governance that we need to protect our rights and freedoms. And then we could go back to ordinary life, caring about our families, enjoying the company of friends, and watching the telly.</div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com7tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-37586024055443536712020-09-03T10:53:00.000+01:002020-09-03T10:53:33.256+01:00Another door closes<div>I read <a href="https://elmmagazine.eu/news/continuous-learning-as-a-right-and-necessity/">this interview</a>, <i>Continuous Learning as a Right and a Necessity, </i>with Li Andersson, the leader of the Left Alliance and Minister of Education in Finland, with sadness as well as pleasure. </div><div><br /></div><div>I have worked with numerous adult education programmes supported by the EU. This article refers to the <a href="https://epale.ec.europa.eu/en/policy-in-the-eu/implementing-the-european-agenda-for-adult-learning">European Agenda for Adult Learning</a>, the most recent of several pan-European initiatives. Given the state of adult education in the UK, it's obvious that they can't compete with hard cash and ideology. However, European networks provided support and offered models for adult education's subsequent reinvention. A lifeline is being closed off. Britain pioneered adult education; it's now a backwater of retreat and regression.</div><div><br /></div><div>There are two splendid quotes in the piece.</div><div><br /></div><div>"... the alternative of employment should not be unemployment but education."</div><div><br /></div><div>That's education in its broadest sense, not skills training alone. <br /><br />And it's conclusion is spot on:</div><div><br />“In major turning points such as now, participating in adult education can bring content and safety to everyday life amidst uncertainty. The education system should always offer an opportunity for learning, and there should be no closed doors.”</div><div><br /></div><div>When I worked at Hull, our aim was to embed the University deep in the community - working in outreach centres, with voluntary groups, and in the prisons. Gradually, the doors swung the other way towards generational exclusion and narrow instrumentalism. Only a few leaks in the door seals persisted in providing opportunities for something wider, something much more radical.</div><div><br /></div><div>And now we have closed the biggest door of all, the one to our European partners and the networks they provided. It's a national tragedy - and shame.</div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-21910064698068691712020-08-21T16:25:00.003+01:002020-08-21T16:25:56.668+01:00The silly season<p>What a mess. From the quiet of a Greek village, still nervous in a pandemic, with late summer weather hinting at the warm softness of autumn, my country appears even more surreal. The British people I meet out here are appalled, ashamed, or both. Greeks, and the other European nationalities who live here, think that we have gone mad. British residents and home owners are scrambling around doing the best to protect their interests as their rights are stripped away against their will - in many cases without them even having had the right to vote in the referendum that decided their fate.</p><p>The observation that I read and agree with most often is that we have a Vote Leave campaign in power, not a serious government, and it is from this that the incompetence flows. It is not equipped to govern and is fixated on its own security in power (and, at times, personal profit), rather than running a country in the interests of all its citizens. Brexit has wrecked far more than our place in the European Union. And that's before you factor in the inadequacy of the PM and cabinet.</p><p>Brexit remains undefined and its consequences unknown. A suicidal policy has been compounded by a precipitate dash to the cliff edge without bothering to work out if there is a safe route down. People keep searching for rational reasons, that Brexit is all about protecting offshore interests, selling British assets, and the like. I'm not so sure. There are plenty of grifters hustling their way through the crisis, that's true. Farage has successfully turned being obnoxious into an income stream. It's also a manifestation of hard-right populist ideology, one that has replaced totalitarianism with kleptocracy as its goal. (Bannon's arrest is a brief moment of hope and joy). But the essence of Brexit is not rational. It is an emotional spasm, rooted in mythologies and embodied in a paranoid style all of its own. It is propelled by resentment at fictitious indignities inflicted by a mythological EU. Reality doesn't feature. And even leaving the EU can not assuage their sense of persecution, something that they clearly enjoy.</p><p>Chris Grey is one of the best chroniclers of this psychosis. His insight evolved from years of academic analysis as the drama unfolded. <a href="https://chrisgreybrexitblog.blogspot.com">His blog</a> has long been essential reading. His <a href="https://bylinetimes.com/2020/08/13/paradox-of-victimhood-no-form-of-brexit-will-ever-satisfy-brexit-ultras/">excellent article </a>for the Byline Times defines the problem Britain faces with precision.</p><i></i><blockquote><i>Since the referendum an entire nation has been shackled to the political psychology of a relatively small number of people who – like rebellious teenagers secretly wanting to be set boundaries – demand total victory whilst craving defeat. It makes it impossible to turn Brexit into a workable policy because, at heart, it is not a policy demand at all, but a demand to be thwarted.</i></blockquote><div>Reasoning with unreason is not possible. And by missing the multiple opportunities to deliver the betrayal the Brexit ultras craved, this is where we stand; with the greatest unhappiness for the greatest number of people. Chris Grey again from his <a href="https://chrisgreybrexitblog.blogspot.com/2020/08/the-political-psychology-beneath-brexit.html">latest blog post</a>:</div><i></i><blockquote><i>... for now at least, there is no answer. How can there be, when a nation is completely re-inventing its place in the world against the wishes of half its population, and with the other half gripped by a political psychology woven of paradoxical and contradictory impulses that have led them to vote for something undefined and that, however defined, is, because of that psychology, offensive to large numbers of those who did so?</i></blockquote><div>It will unravel of course. The economic damage and destruction of people's rights should be enough. Add in the lies and distortions, the perversion of democracy, the sinister involvement of dark money and foreign interests, and it will unravel. Reality always wins in the end. I just hope that I am still around to see it. In the meantime, I must concentrate on how best to secure my life here as a second-class citizen.</div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-64606987874614493842020-08-16T09:14:00.000+01:002020-08-16T09:14:44.530+01:00The state of Britain<p>There is a lot that's good but something that's irritating in <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2020/08/why-britain-failed-coronavirus-pandemic/615166/">this article</a> for an American audience about Britain's shocking record on Coronavirus. It puts our record down to the weakness of the British state. At times, it's too kind to Cummings and Johnson, though, at others, it gives them a well-deserved kicking. It's true that there are long-term structural failings in parts of the civil service. The administration has been weakened over the years by austerity and political fashions - from managerialism to small-state ideology. Brexit has thrown the most complex task ever on its shoulders, now to be undertaken in excessively rapid time by the decision not to extend the transition. It isn't a good time to be a civil servant. And you can't fault the article's conclusion:</p><p><span style="font-style: italic;"></span></p><blockquote><p><span style="font-style: italic;">When the pandemic hit, then, Britain was not the strong, successful, resilient country it imagined, but a poorly governed and fragile one. The truth is, Britain was sick before it caught the coronavirus</span></p><p></p></blockquote><p>However, the line that it takes on Coronavirus is that the government should have been more critical of expert advice and have made a political judgement, rather than following uncritically. </p><p></p><blockquote><p><i>One of the central criticisms of Johnson’s leadership—expressed to me in multiple conversations—is not a refusal to accept the truth ... but a failure to challenge his experts’ strategy. It was the prime minister’s duty to question the scientific advice, to demand more.</i></p><p></p></blockquote><p>As a criticism of leadership, it's a weak one. The ultimate blame lies elsewhere. It's a hard explanation to swallow. All governments have a tendency to hear the advice that they want to hear and those desires can shape the advice that's given. Rather than being not political enough, advice is often heavily politicised. </p><p>But this is also a government that is keen to avoid responsibility and shovel it on to the administration wherever possible. Failure is met with a prompt announcement of a reorganisation/scapegoating (<a href="https://news.sky.com/story/coronavirus-health-secretary-to-replace-public-health-england-with-specialist-pandemic-unit-says-report-12050234">Public Health England</a> is the latest to come in for the treatment). A government that disregards all expert advice on Brexit in favour of upbeat dissembling, doesn't strike me as one to slavishly follow a strategy decided by others unless it wants to. It doesn't seem to have been over keen to <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/a-levels-exam-regulator-ignored-expert-help-after-statisticians-wouldnt-sign-non-disclosure-agreements-12049289">get some independent help</a>, either, before launching the latest exam result fiasco on the people.</p><p>The Civil Service is being set up as the patsy for political incompetence. And they are not happy.</p><p>Alastair Campbell, not a bad spinner in his time, <a href="https://www.theneweuropean.co.uk/top-stories/alastair-campbrll-on-brovid-or-coxit-government-1-6791630">has his ear to the ground</a>. </p><p><i></i></p><blockquote><p><i>There is a new word doing the rounds in Whitehall. Brovid. It must of course be whispered, not shouted, lest word gets back to the Gove-Cummings axis that it is being uttered at all, for to be heard using the word in polite company would be to signal a certain level of doubt about the efficiency of the Johnson regime.</i></p><div></div></blockquote><div>This combination of Brexit and Covid expresses the contempt of the administration for the politicians.</div><p></p><blockquote><p><i>It unites them in a morale-sapping reality for all in the employ of HMG – that the government is wholly consumed by one problem entirely of its own making – a Brexit secured and sold on promises that, guess what, turned out to be unfulfillable – and a second problem not of its making, the global pandemic, but the handling of which has created a succession of disasters entirely of their making.</i></p><p><i>...the civil service are seeing the realities of ministerial failings on both of these challenges day in, day out. They have made a total mess of Brexit. They have made a total mess of Covid.</i></p></blockquote><p></p><p>The rhetoric of world-class this-and-that covers a grim reality, as the<a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/blog/check-change-and-going-nowhere-why-governments-brexit-communications-plan-falling-short"> Institute for Government </a>points out about the Brexit information campaign.</p><blockquote></blockquote><blockquote><blockquote><i>For business, December 31 will bring an unparalleled amount of red tape, extra hassle and administrative costs to add to their already strained cash flow. And life will change for everyone else too.</i></blockquote></blockquote><div>There are few moments when the veil parts and we see the genuine feeling of administrators trying to deal with the mess made by others. One happened during the Cummings affair. It was a single heroic, anonymous tweet to the official Civil Service account.</div><div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgNhbHB0qEFT71xNgl8F0eVilBw6yrXMqfgDdhO-jsbbnHk3bJiRwTmv4M1HQIsvhiVKm5uyCi8w1XwHf63QyHgHzVGCXCPhonMJcJc2DsyvRtobfcuRSw92YLowD7vassjK9JYPA/s730/civil-service-tweet.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="380" data-original-width="730" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgNhbHB0qEFT71xNgl8F0eVilBw6yrXMqfgDdhO-jsbbnHk3bJiRwTmv4M1HQIsvhiVKm5uyCi8w1XwHf63QyHgHzVGCXCPhonMJcJc2DsyvRtobfcuRSw92YLowD7vassjK9JYPA/w410-h213/civil-service-tweet.jpg" width="410" /></a></div><div><br /></div><div>Remember this every time you hear any of this lot blame the administration or when Cummings trots out one of his <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/jul/22/dominic-cummings-economy-policy-tourism-darpa">banal schemes</a>.</div><div><br /></div><div>And remember too the irony of this shambles when you hear the 'global Britain' bullshit, that the rationale of Brexit was to free the dynamic British state from the constraints of a sclerotic European Union. </div><div><br /></div><div>It may be unfashionable to praise bureaucracy, but good administration is utterly necessary. Nothing can happen without it. If administrators are browbeaten, poorly resourced scapegoats, don't expect miracles. One of the first jobs of a new government will be to restore the morale of the people who run the British state. And the best way to do that would be for politicians to stop asking them to do stupid things and then to defend the indefensible.</div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-64944449505213945682020-08-02T09:20:00.001+01:002020-08-02T09:23:11.331+01:00A silent crimeOutside the specialist education press, nothing is reported. I know from experience how hard it is to get a hearing. Yet, it's life saving and life changing. Adult education in all its alternative guises - continuing education, community education, lifelong learning, etc - matters. It matters very much indeed. Millions and millions of our fellow citizens have used and benefitted from it at all levels. But it's on few people's political radar and its loss is only lamented by those who used it. It's a national scandal that has been quietly accepted.<div><br /></div><div>Here's Alan Tuckett on <a href="https://www.tes.com/news/adult-education-meeting-learner-need-got-harder-today">the closure of a voluntary sector centre in Brighton</a>:</div><div><div><div><i></i></div><blockquote><div><i>This might look like a local issue, but it is illustrative of the damage done by narrow, utilitarian and philistine government funding policies that have seen more than 4 million adult learners lost since 2003, with cuts accelerating through these past 10 years. Adult education centres, committed to literacy, numeracy, learning for active citizenship, social solidarity and a second chance at education for people failed by the system have a vital place in securing a post-Covid society. </i></div><div><i><br /></i></div><div><i>But they are not alone in experiencing the consequences of blinkered policy. In 2006, the National Institute of Adult Continuing Education, NIACE, published an independent inquiry on lifelong learning in colleges. Its title, Eight in Ten reflected the proportion of FE college students who were adults. Today, only a fraction as many remain. University extra-mural departments for adult learners now are all but a thing of the past. Libraries close. Museums have shorter opening hours. Public spaces for communities to meet together, for people from different backgrounds to meet and share enthusiasms, to make art and music, to understand and help shape the future fabric of our society diminish.</i></div></blockquote><div><i><blockquote>Step by step we lose the places for us to create a world worth living in.</blockquote></i></div></div></div><div><br /></div><div>I started working in adult education in 1982. I retired early over thirty years later. In that time, I set up dozens of programmes and initiatives for hundreds of students, in both urban and rural areas, and in community, further, and higher education institutions. There is not a single one left. I repeat, there is not one left. Everything that I built has been closed. Those thirty years were spent in an increasingly desperate battle against cuts. In the end, they won.</div><div><br /></div><div>It would be easy to sit back and demonise the Tories, but, after a burst of initial encouragement, the New Labour years were as bad, and hard-left Labour authorities were horrendous. My experience has coloured my politics. The needs and dreams of so many people, the elderly as well as the young, were unseen and unvalued. It worries me about what people can tolerate and assimilate in relatively comfortable societies. It isn't just that "we don't know what we've lost till its gone," it's that we forget that we ever had it. And that's a lesson for today alright.</div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-86433567786191116532020-08-01T09:10:00.000+01:002020-08-01T09:10:04.402+01:00NauseaI find it hard to contain my disgust at this Johnson government. Brexit, COVID, blatant cronyism, ignoring constitutional constraints, and the lying, the endless lying smothered in faux bonhomie. The list goes on. But this 'honours' list is something to be ashamed of. It's bad enough that it rewards Vote Leave activists, however rancid their politics - an insult to the majority of the electorate who voted for pro second referendum parties at the last election and the more than 50% that polls suggest wished to remain. Then there is the blatant nepotism of giving a peerage to his brother, though at least he is a Remainer and not a fan of Johnson's populist turn. And, of course, he raises two fingers to the Russia Report with a peerage for Evgeny Lebedev. Friends, family, and sympathisers rewarded. It stinks of both personal indulgence and the repaying of debts, together with a lack of respect for the office he holds. <div><br /></div><div>But there is one name that stands out; Claire Fox. Not just because she was a Brexit Party MEP, nor because of her part in Frank Furedi's absurd contrarian cult that he resurrected from the ashes of the Revolutionary Communist Party, and not because she is one of a number of grifters fawned on by the media when they should be beyond the pale. It's because of one event: Warrington. In March 1993 the IRA planted two bombs in cast-iron litter bins in the main shopping street on a busy Saturday. They killed two children, Tim Parry and Johnathan Ball, and injured more than fifty others. Fox defended the bombings at the time. She has equivocated and not disavowed her support since. </div><div><br /></div><div>The <a href="https://www.peace-foundation.org.uk/">peace foundation</a> set up to honour the victims' memory tweeted a couple of replies in response:</div><div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgxAnz4V_kTPwBaiyp2fslEOoP293zpxqzZVrXmLOOwkpXnENx0k_wkr2xLMOVIEUJ8qoa3HhgpE5FfEn8mT81DEjHvlQLtnJWnozAlu9Haxq_4_c42BAKcdSFEUt8-9Y3w-ngYeg/s512/45A65349-02BC-424F-AA7E-1CD7FEE6651B_4_5005_c.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="83" data-original-width="512" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgxAnz4V_kTPwBaiyp2fslEOoP293zpxqzZVrXmLOOwkpXnENx0k_wkr2xLMOVIEUJ8qoa3HhgpE5FfEn8mT81DEjHvlQLtnJWnozAlu9Haxq_4_c42BAKcdSFEUt8-9Y3w-ngYeg/s0/45A65349-02BC-424F-AA7E-1CD7FEE6651B_4_5005_c.jpeg" /></a></div><div><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhs-9dgk_FerchJSTRh7FGmtdAn889oIax2La4qbK2zWrYIwgWequX8BOcA_-L-2OOSvAoYLHsCr8KDzOxUzMCAmofflRkHdO3Q_8dNzT-G0PKpS7nQeXbELt1zbxBugMZUW9tvWw/s519/parry+ball+2.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="79" data-original-width="519" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhs-9dgk_FerchJSTRh7FGmtdAn889oIax2La4qbK2zWrYIwgWequX8BOcA_-L-2OOSvAoYLHsCr8KDzOxUzMCAmofflRkHdO3Q_8dNzT-G0PKpS7nQeXbELt1zbxBugMZUW9tvWw/s0/parry+ball+2.png" /></a></div><div><br /></div><div>This should have disbarred her from honours, while the non-response of Number 10 to the foundation is a cause for shame. </div><div><br /></div><div>I am still furious at the failure of the opposition to remove Johnson when they had the opportunity. Corbyn bears a huge responsibility and an even greater one for giving Johnson the general election that the opposition could have prevented. It was criminal stupidity. But let's not forget that the real source of this malignancy is Johnson himself and his talentless administration. He's Britain's Trump. He has one success to his name. Brexit. He has succeeded in ensuring that Britain has made its most catastrophic mistake since Munich in 1938. That's his legacy. The honours list is evidence of hubris waiting for its nemesis. How long will we have to endure this nonsense until then?</div>The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-21539126815988171562020-07-20T12:16:00.000+01:002020-07-20T12:16:56.235+01:00Greece<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
I made it back. Direct flights have resumed, but I travelled before then via Frankfurt, masked the whole time in strangely empty airports. It was all well organised. I filled in a PRF online, was sent my code, and was selected for testing at Athens airport. Negative. That's a relief. And, feeling a little uneasy, after the isolation of lockdown and aware of the poor reputation of the UK, I got back home. I needn't have worried. The garden had been strimmed and trees pruned by a tame Dutch hippy. The locals greeted me warmly. I had elbow bumps from Kostas and a pot of glyko from Seri. And, of course there are the cats. They were delighted to reclaim their favourite seats in the house and demand food regularly. I'm hugely grateful to the neighbours who kept them fed during the enforced absence. They seem to have been joined by a hedgehog as well, who pushes them out of the way and steals their food.<br />
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It's warm, the cicadas are kicking up a racket, everything is green, there are walnuts and quince ripening on the trees, with grapes hanging from the vine, which has benefitted from Manolis' expert attention. It's idyllic.<br />
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There are few clouds in the sky, but there is a metaphorical one on the horizon. Brexit. Bloody Brexit. And, thanks to the extraordinarily irresponsible decision by the government not to extend transition, despite the UK being nowhere near ready for exit, it is a cloud that is looming fast. December 31st. Then we become a third country, and second class citizens in the EU. Seeing our terrible government proudly boast of ending our freedom of movement was horrible. Strange times when we are supposed to celebrate being stripped of our rights.<br />
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So, it's decision time.<br />
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I have three options:<br />
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1. If I become resident in one EU country (Greece, obviously) before December the 31st, I can keep some of my rights for that country alone. I will still lose them for all other EU and EEA countries. After December 31st, that option is gone forever.<br />
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2. I can remain resident in the UK and accept that I am only allowed to be in my house for 90 days in any 180 day period and will be barred from returning for another 90 days. (The 90 day period includes visits to all Schengen countries, so any time spent in the rest of Europe is deducted from the time I am allowed to spend here.)<br />
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3. Wait, and if I decide I want to live here in the future, apply for a renewable two-year visa for third country nationals under more stringent conditions. Although, Greece is trying to encourage UK pensioners to live here.<br />
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Option 1 gives me a more limited version of the rights that are being taken from me, but preserves my life in Greece. The Greek government is making things easier by choosing declaratory rather than constitutive registration. This is unlike the UK government who is requiring a greater burden of proof from EU 27 citizens resident in the UK. There is some flexibility too. Part of the dilemma is that I'm fond of both worlds - Greek and British; urban and rural. Residence only requires being in the country for six months of the year for the first five years. It's attractive, I qualify easily, but there are complications around health, tax, and many other essentials. Some are yet to be agreed.<br />
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Whatever, it will mean extra cost and more bureaucracy. But then, if you put up barriers and borders where previously there were none, that's inevitable. Many more people and businesses will find this out when transition ends and reality hits. It will be a shock. I'm lucky. I'm retired. Those who are still employed, or have families and businesses in more than one country are far worse off. As are future generations, who will lose their rights entirely. Millions of people are affected.<br />
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Brexit has mucked everything up. I think that it's a catastrophe for the country, but this is personal. What was easy is now complicated. Now the government is effectively saying that if anyone wants to retain a fraction of their rights, they have to emigrate by the end of this year. This is a curious policy for any government to follow.<br />
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Of course, the Leave campaign denied that any of this would happen during the referendum. It was supposed to be easy and cost free. Those of us who pointed out the difficulties that Brexit entailed were accused of being 'Project Fear.' Of course, we were only telling the truth. Leave were the ones lying.<br />
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It's been horrible and stressful. In many ways, the worst is yet to come. I have no doubt that Brexit is a colossal mistake. And for my part, I'm left with three questions floating round my head:<br />
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1. I know that many people in the UK did not identify as European and had no wish to use their freedom of movement. However, they were never obliged to. At what stage does it become legitimate for them to remove these rights from those of us who do want them?<br />
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2. Just what was so intolerable about the previous 47 years that justified doing this to us?<br />
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3. Has anyone got an Irish grandparent I can borrow?</div>
The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-21982632219844701462020-06-27T08:07:00.000+01:002020-06-27T08:09:52.735+01:00Changing times<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
It's nearly a year since Johnson became Prime Minister. Amidst all the bluster, lies, scandals, and evasions, he has one solid achievement. Britain is no longer a member of the European Union. We are now a third country, even if the full consequences are yet to be felt. Remain is over. We can begin the long application process to rejoin, but we cannot remain. Johnson took us out.<br />
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The final terms are unknown and the haste with which Johnson wants us to leave the transition period is baffling. Even so, we know that the shape of Brexit will bear no relationship to the one that we were promised in the referendum campaign.<br />
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Johnson's achievement was facilitated by others, of course. Cameron's decision to hold an unnecessary referendum at the tail end of the Euro crisis, expecting remain to win handsomely, was a master class in bad timing. Corbyn's decision (with a bit of help from Swinson) to vote for an early election, again thinking he would win, was criminal stupidity. Johnson's landslide with 43% of the vote was a consequence of the perpetual failings of our electoral system. His gamble in purging the Conservative Party of real conservatives paid off.<br />
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This was the culmination of an era of political instability in the aftermath of the financial crisis and the desperately misjudged response of the coalition government, with its austerity and resultant grinding poverty. Even so, everything was politically normal until 2015. Cameron's majority, as a result of the collapse of the Liberal Democrats, Miliband's weak leadership of Labour, and the bloody electoral system again, changed everything. Cameron initiated the chaos by holding the EU referendum, which smashed everything to pieces. Labour's folly was the collective act of suicide in choosing Corbyn as leader.<br />
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2015. Five short years ago. It seems a lifetime.<br />
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During that time we saw radicalisation accompanied by the processes of accommodation and excuse making that <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2020/07/trumps-collaborators/612250/">Anne Applebaum </a>wrote about and that I referred to in my <a href="http://fatmanonakeyboard.blogspot.com/2020/06/this-is-fine-long-essay-from-anne.html">earlier post</a>. First, Theresa May redefined the referendum result as mandating a hard Brexit, leaving the single market and customs union, in line with the demands of the right-wing ultras in her party. Then we saw her hard Brexit described as soft, as the Brexiters radicalised after the referendum. Hard Brexit became orthodox belief, even for people who campaigned for Remain. While Lexiters abandoned the language of social democracy in favour of vituperative hatred for the EU and all its works.<br />
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We saw the same accomodation on the left. People who had been critics of the politics that Corbyn had espoused, rallied round and found reasons to support someone who was clearly inadequate and personally unpopular. As Labour sank into a morass of antisemitism, they dug themselves in deeper. The left winning mattered more to them than the nature of the left that did win.<br />
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It's been changing for a while. Possibly, it's been accelerated by the government's inept handling of the pandemic, but it would have happened anyway due to the inherent contradictions of the politics of the era. Now, it's over. This week saw two things that clarified what's going on.<br />
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Rebecca Long-Bailey, the left's defeated candidate for Labour leader, tweeted her support for an interview with an actor. The interview contained an antisemitic conspiracy theory (as well as other criticisms of the party). I don't expect political acumen from a celebrity, but from a member of the shadow cabinet? It was not an <a href="https://www.gq-magazine.co.uk/politics/article/rebecca-long-bailey-sack">act of intelligence</a>. She was sacked. Rapidly, rightly, and decisively sacked. It marks the start of a serious change of political direction. The Corbynista left has become irrelevant.<br />
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As Labour detoxes, the Tories are finding that their one triumph is turning septic. The <a href="https://www.europeansocialsurvey.org/">European Social Survey</a> was published this week, confirming previous trends and showing that support for the EU is growing across Europe. This <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/brexit-poll-most-british-people-want-to-rejoin-eu-2020-6">report</a> deals with its consequences for Brexit.<br />
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<i>The survey, completed in 2019 and released this week, found that 57% of Brits would vote to be inside the EU, compared to 50% who said the same in the previous survey released in 2018.</i><i><br /></i><i>By contrast, just 35% said they would vote to be outside the EU, compared with the 52% of people who voted to leave in 2016. Eight percent of Brits said they would not vote in such a referendum.</i></blockquote>
35%, that's all. Demographics and <a href="https://beergbrexit.blog/2019/02/08/brexit-of-little-things/">everyday experience</a> will probably shrink that number further. The referendum took place at the only time Leave could win. Brexit has happened when the majority oppose it, in a form no one campaigned for. The form is one that few anticipated, and even fewer voted for. It has happened solely because it was defined as 'the will of the people,' rather than a quirk of timing. It's shape is the result of treating the views of half the population as irrelevant. The insecurities of the Brexiters, with their accusations of betrayal, shows Brexit's fragile foundations.<br />
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Brexit is Johnson's nemesis. His only success is turning into a curse that will haunt him. His personal inadequacies are manifest. But worst of all, his legacy will be defined by a policy that will be despised. He has wrecked his party and his country with his one moment of triumph. His premiership will be seen as a curse.</div>
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There is only one certainty about the next political era. It will be <a href="https://beergbrexit.blog/2020/06/08/brexifornia-checkout-never-leave/">dominated by our relationship with Europe</a>. Europe is, as it has been for centuries, vital to our security, economy, and, given our near fifty years of integration, our personal lives. The coming years will be spent dealing with the consequences of our folly. I'm sure that we will look back on our years of membership as "<i>the</i> <i>land of lost content</i>" as we begin to deal with the accursed legacy of Cameron, May, and Johnson. </div>
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Chris Grey is right about <a href="https://chrisgreybrexitblog.blogspot.com/2020/06/four-years-on-we-need-whole-new-brexit.html">the immediate tasks</a>, and he views the prospect of rejoining as remote. I'm not so sure. Back in 2015, nobody could have foreseen where we are today. I suppose, much depends on the extent of the change that is coming. Reality points in one direction, as it has throughout. It's just that right-wing utopians chose to disregard it. </div>
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The years 2015-2020 have been momentous. Though, how much better off we all would be if they had never happened.</div>
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The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36841665.post-25450041240954316042020-06-20T19:26:00.001+01:002020-06-20T19:26:35.004+01:00The sun has setEven by the standards of this dismal government, this week has been puzzling. The jingoistic 'Global Britain' flag has been waving without much sense of what 'Global Britain' actually means, other than an expensive makeover for a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2020/jun/19/boris-johnson-planes-paint-job-may-render-it-useless-for-military-purposes-says-ex-pilot">plane</a>. All the while, the threat of a destructive no-deal exit from transition remains.<div><br /></div><div>Then there was the <a href="https://twitter.com/10DowningStreet/status/1273164254456287237?s=20">embarrassing launch</a> of negotiations for a trade deal with Australia and New Zealand, glossing over the fact that talks between the Australasian countries and the EU for a free trade agreement are advanced and that we would benefit from one far quicker if we were members of the EU. Australia has made it clear that we are not a priority and the deal with the EU takes precedence. <a href="https://bylinetimes.com/2020/06/19/johnson-and-brexit-patronising-etonian-alienates-the-world/">Otto English is scathing</a>. This mirrors the heralding of the opening of trade talks with Japan, without mentioning that this is to replace the trade deal we already have with them through the EU - a deal that we are abandoning by leaving the single market and customs union.</div><div><br /></div><div>All this comes after Johnson's previous nod away from globalisation towards nationalist <a href="https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/boris-johnson-wants-self-sufficiency-to-end-reliance-on-chinese-imports-bmlxnl8jl">autarky and import substitution</a>, together with the abolition of the Department for International Development. It convinces me that <a href="https://chrisgreybrexitblog.blogspot.com/2020/06/nothing-to-see-here_19.html">Chris Grey is right.</a> There is no plan.</div><i></i><blockquote><i>The Brexiters have no more idea in private than they do in public about what they are doing. Predictions based upon their concealed intent project on to them a competence they simply don’t possess.</i><div></div></blockquote><div>Brexit as an ideology, as opposed to the type of reformist Euroscepticism that didn't question our membership, was only ever a vehicle for a vague, self-indulgent sense of grievance projected onto a fictitious, scapegoat EU. It never proposed a coherent model of political economy or of international relations. It had nothing to offer other than bluster. I'm not sure that its adherents either expected or wanted the opportunity to put their fantasy into practice. Perpetual complaint without responsibility is much easier</div><div><br /></div><div>Those of us with long political memories, like mine stretching back to our entry into the EEC in 1973, will know that we are simply replicating the debates of the 60s and 70s. The options are the same as then. That's because the question is the same. Where does the future of a post-imperial Britain lie?</div><div><br /></div><div>There is a lot of talk of the EU as a peace project, but there is less about its other role as a solution to the questions raised by decolonisation and the end of the European empires. Even though the long and bloody retreat was not complete, it was obvious that individual European nation states could not play a global role on their own. A regional collective of independent states had the economic power to enable them to be significant international actors and thereby enhance their own sovereignty. Isolated individual states would be ineffective by comparison.</div><div><br /></div><div>The choice Britain faced was between European engagement - either through EFTA, which we helped found in 1960, or full membership of the EEC - or a global role - through the Commonwealth or, more improbably, a relationship with the USA. Guess what we are debating today?</div><div><br /></div><div>The decision was obvious even then. Distance and history drew us to Europe. The other options were not viable and, on its own, Britain would have drifted into continuing decline and irrelevance. We left EFTA to join the EEC because of its limitations. Now we won't even try and rejoin EFTA and be part of the EEA.</div><div><br /></div><div>After 47 years, Britain abandoned the solution only to rediscover the problem. Except that the alternative remedies are even more unpalatable today. The EU has enlarged, is an economic superpower, our economy is deeply integrated with the internal market, and we are not just close, but joined by a tunnel. We have given up a powerful position without any replacement.</div><div><br /></div><div>All the other choices, barring the <a href="https://twitter.com/DKShrewsbury/status/1269008592885121024">utopian fantasy</a> of a world of unconstrained independent nation states, leave the UK as a weak supplicant in a world dominated by regional networks. We have lost sovereignty by trying to enhance it. Pretending that we can be part of a Pacific bloc is mad. The solution to our predicament is obvious and we have just rejected it.</div><div><br /></div><div>And so we are stuck, pursuing a disastrous policy at <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-01-10/-170-billion-and-counting-the-cost-of-brexit-for-the-u-k">ruinous cost</a>. As for the government that has to handle this, Chris Grey gets it right again:</div><blockquote><i>We’re not in sway to some set of manipulative geniuses pursuing a well-thought out, if malign, agenda, but the captives of a coterie of utterly deluded simpletons who have stumbled into power by a series of accidents. The plane hasn’t been hijacked by steely-eyed terrorists so much as it has fallen into the inadvertent hands of a group of smirking school bullies and debating society geeks, led by a priapic layabout and advised by those for whom the term Incel inadequates is not so much an insult as an unattainable aspiration. Thus as Rafael <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/jun/17/incompetence-boris-johnson-government-cabinet-britain">Behr writes, convincingly</a>, “incompetence is a built-in feature, not a bug of Boris Johnson’s government”.</i></blockquote>And that's where we are today. An awful government, pursuing a destructive policy, without a clue about what to do other than to posture and indulge in rhetorical hostility towards our closest allies on whom we depend. Their only tactic appears to be reckless brinkmanship at the behest of a deranged sect on the right of the Tory Party. And all for nothing. There is no good reason to continue with a policy that never made sense and is only the result of a political miscalculation. But instead, we have left the EU without no idea about what to do instead. I despair for our country.The Plumphttp://www.blogger.com/profile/09244528534476387323noreply@blogger.com0